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lexrules.tdl
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lexrules.tdl
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;;; -*- Mode: tdl; Coding: utf-8; -*-
;;;
;;; Copyright (c) 1994-2018
;;; Dan Flickinger, Rob Malouf, Emily M. Bender
;;; see LICENSE for conditions
;;;
;;; lexrules.tdl
;;;
;;; Inflectional affixes and derivational lexical rules
;;;
;;; Created: Rob Malouf, 3-Nov-1994
;;;
;;; $Id: lexrules.tdl 7479 2010-02-21 23:11:30Z danf $
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;;
;; Inflectional affixes
;;
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;; Verbal inflections
non_fin_verb := local &
[ CAT.HEAD verb ].
; Need to constrain MOD value for PRP verbs. Also for passive participles.
;; Verbal affix for present and passive participles, which can modify N-bars
;; DPF (7-Apr-99) Removed POSTHD - since the head_complement rule now passes
;; up the value of POSTHD from the head-dtr, so we need to leave it unmarked
;; to get "managers interviewed by Abrams" on the passive-by reading, and also
;; to still get "the interviewed managers"
;; Present participles and passives are both marked as PRD +, to block e.g.
;; "the destroyed by Sandy chair" or "the talking to Kim consultant", but then
;; to get these participles alone in attributive position, we need a
;; generalization of the attributive-adjective lexical rule below.
;; DPF 19-Feb-01 - To avoid massive unwanted ambiguity as in "Kim is sleeping"
;; restrict the MOD value to [AUX -].
;; DPF 24-Mar-01 - Added SUBJ..SLASH 0-dlist to avoid spurious gaps.
;; DPF 18-Aug-01 - Removed [SUBJ.OPT -] to allow participle phrases without
;; subjects to be no-copula clauses, as in "arriving tomorrow".
;; DPF 24-Sep-01 - Added [MOD..TENSE real_tense as hack to block participles
;; from modifying nocop VPs, as in "partial clearing" - works since nouns have
;; underspecified TAM.
;; DPF 18-Apr-03 - From 19-Feb-01 - This also blocks "I am available starting
;; on Monday"
;; DPF 27-Apr-03 - Note that in blocking ambiguity for "Kim is sleeping"
;; (see 19-Feb-01), we also prevent an analysis for "Kim is happy driving",
;; so probably want to remove this constraint once parse ranking can carry the
;; load, given that there are also contexts where we want "Kim is, sleeping"
;; DPF 22-12-26 - Push PRD + down to subtypes for pres-part and passive, so we
;; can also use this type as parent for past-part, to avoid past-part phrase
;; as complement of be_cp as in "Kim was known to be conned by medical pirates"
;;
verb_participle_affix := local &
[ CAT [ HEAD verb,
VAL.SUBJ < synsem &
[ LOCAL.AGR #agr ] >,
HC-LEX - ],
AGR #agr ].
prp_verb := non_fin_verb & verb_participle_affix &
[ CAT [ HEAD [ VFORM prp,
PRD +,
TAM.ASPECT [ PROGR + ] ] ] ].
; DPF 27-May-01 - Removed [ASPECT.PRF +] since this form is also used for
; passives, and since the auxiliary "have" already imposes PRF + on the
; relevant event.
; DPF 11-Nov-03 - Gave up on using past-participle form as input for passive,
; since this lack of constraint on PROGR created too much trouble for
; generation, since "Kim has arrived" didn't say [PROGR -] so we could get
; 'Kim is being hired'. One disadvantage is that we have to stipulate
; duplicate irregular passive forms for the irregular past participles.
; DPF 25-Oct-06 - Removed PROGR - since we want to parse "having arrived",
; and since the 11-Nov-03 difficulty has been resolved.
psp_verb := non_fin_verb & verb_participle_affix &
[ CAT [ HEAD [ VFORM psp,
TAM.ASPECT.PRF +,
PRD - ],
VAL.SUBJ < [ OPT - ] > ] ].
; DPF 12-May-00 - bse_verb needs to have [ MOD nbar ] to enable coordination
; of imperative and declarative clauses, as in "Leave and I will follow you"
; DPF 17-Oct-01 - Made ASPECT be no_aspect rather than no_aspect* in order to
; let K2Y distinguish true base-VPs from participles.
; DPF 7-Nov-03 - Remember that bse_verb can't have TENSE no_tense (which would
; be convenient for generation) since it can combine with "do" as in "did the
; dog bark?"
; DPF 12-aug-07 - Removed constraint < SUBJ unexpressed_reg > since we want
; to parse "Kim suggested we be early".
bse_or_non3sg_verb := local &
[ CAT [ HEAD [ VFORM fin_or_bse_or_imp,
PRD -,
TAM.ASPECT no_aspect,
--ADDIN [ ADDPN -3s,
ADDTAM indic_tam & [ TENSE present ] ] ],
POSTHD +,
VAL.SUBJ < synsem & [ OPT -,
LOCAL [ CAT.HEAD.CASE nom,
CONT nom-obj,
CONJ cnil,
AGR #agr ] ] > ],
AGR #agr ].
; Only used for unknown verbs
bse_verb := non_fin_verb & bse_or_non3sg_verb &
[ CAT.HEAD.VFORM bse ].
; Since finite verbs can project relative clauses, we introduce [MOD < nbar >]
; here, and make sure that no other projections of finite verbs can be
; adjuncts, through constraints on the head-adjunct phrase type.
; DPF 4-Mar-01 - Removed [CONT.MSG no_msg] from SUBJ, to allow e.g.
; "me hiring you bothered him"
basic_fin_verb := local &
[ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ PRD -,
VFORM fin ],
POSTHD +,
VAL.SUBJ < synsem & [ LOCAL [ CAT.HEAD.CASE nom,
CONJ cnil ] ] > ] ].
fin_verb := basic_fin_verb &
[ CAT.VAL.SUBJ < [ OPT - ] > ].
pres_verb := fin_verb &
[ CAT.HEAD.TAM indic_tam &
[ TENSE present,
ASPECT no_aspect ] ].
; DPF 06-mar-06 - Can't identify SUBJ's --SIND..PN and AGR..PN since we now
; have sentential subjects where the --SIND value is a handle which does not
; have a PNG attribute. Instead, make SUBJ's AGR..PN unify with verb's.
past_or_subj_verb := fin_verb &
[ CAT [ HEAD.TAM past_or_subj_tam,
VAL.SUBJ.FIRST.LOCAL.AGR.PNG.PN #pn ],
AGR.PNG.PN #pn ].
; DPF 30-Sept-05 - Tempted to make --SIND..PN 3s to improve generator
; efficiency (not proposing 3sg verb when argument is plural). But this
; desire clashes with assumption that syntactic AGR and semantic INDEX are
; not always identical, e.g. for treatment of numerals as in "Six is even."
; where the semantics of the adjective "six" has a plural index, but the
; hdn_np-num_c rule makes a syntactically singular nominal out of it. So we
; (currently) have to live with the extra work in generation. Or maybe
; we add PNG to restrictor, since it rarely helps given above assumption
; about potential mismatch.
third_sg_fin_verb := pres_verb &
[ CAT.VAL.SUBJ < [ LOCAL.AGR.PNG.PN 3s ] >,
AGR.PNG png & [ PN 3s ] ].
; Only used for unknown verbs
non_third_sg_fin_verb := pres_verb & bse_or_non3sg_verb &
[ CAT.VAL.SUBJ < [ LOCAL local & [ CONT nom-obj ] ] >,
AGR.PNG png & [ PN -3s ] ].
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;; Nominal inflections
noun_local := local &
[ CONT.HOOK.INDEX nonconj_ref-ind ].
sing_or_plur_noun := noun_local.
sing_noun := sing_or_plur_noun &
[ CAT [ HEAD noun_or_ttl,
VAL.SPR.FIRST.LOCAL.AGR [ PNG.PN 3s,
DIV - ] ],
CONT.HOOK.INDEX [ PNG png & [ PN 3s ],
DIV - ] ].
;; DPF 2020-05-17 - Don't need to stamp INDEX.DIV + here since it is already
;; thus constrained in almost all subtypes of basic_basic_mass_noun_synsem,
;; except for `time' as in *a long time*
;;
mass_noun := noun_local &
[ CAT [ HEAD noun_or_ttl,
VAL.SPR < [ LOCAL.AGR [ PNG.PN 3s,
DIV + ] ] > ],
CONT.HOOK.INDEX [ PNG png & [ PN 3s,
GEN neut ] ] ].
mass_count_noun := noun_local &
[ CAT [ HEAD noun_or_ttl & [ --BARE - ],
VAL.SPR < [ LOCAL.AGR.PNG.PN 3s ] > ],
CONT.HOOK.INDEX.PNG png & [ PN 3s ] ].
;; DPF 2020-01-14 - Added AGR..PN 3p since --SIND and AGR are not always
;; reentrant for plurals as they are for singulars.
;;
plur_noun := sing_or_plur_noun &
[ CAT [ HEAD noun_or_ttl,
VAL.SPR < [ LOCAL.AGR [ PNG.PN 3p,
DIV + ] ] > ],
AGR.PNG.PN 3p,
CONT.HOOK.INDEX [ PNG.PN 3p,
IND +,
DIV + ] ].
;; As a hack to prevent inflected nouns in certain constructions, add this:
noninfl_noun_local := noun_local.
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;; Adjectival inflections
;;
;; May-96: Martina
pos_adj := local &
[ CAT [ HEAD adj,
VAL.SPR < [ --MIN very_deg_rel ] > ] ].
er_comp_adj := local &
[ CAT [ HEAD adj,
VAL.SPR < [ --MIN much_deg_rel ] > ] ].
est_super_adj := local &
[ CAT [ HEAD adj,
VAL.SPR < [ --MIN def_explicit_q_rel,
OPT - ] > ] ].
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;; Place holder affix for -ly
-ly := local & [ CAT.HEAD no_head ].
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;;
;; (Non-inflectional) lexical rules
;;
;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;
;;; AAC - INFLECTD added so that the relationship between inflectional
;;; morphology and lexical rules can be represented declaratively
;;;
;;; lex_rule_infl turns uninflected things into inflected ones
;;; but otherwise does inheritance
;;; everything else requires inflected forms
;;; ND-AFF ('needs affix') is used to determine whether a rule has an overt
;;; suffix which triggers the spelling-change rules.
;; DPF 2016-11-07 - Preserve chart-dependency identities for --+COMPKEY,
;; --+OCOMPKEY, and --+ARGIND through lexical rules, so that derived entries
;; do not allow leakage. For example, *put together* was allowing other
;; *put* verb-particle entries in via attr_verb_part lexical rules, which had
;; lost the --+COMPKEY constraint.
;; DPF 2020-05-23 - Move identif of --+ARGIND down to subtypes, since at least
;; one lexical rule, v_pas-cp_lexrule, needs to change, since its input requires
;; an expletive-it subj, but the derived form instead takes a CP subject, and
;; if --+ARGIND is preserved, chart dependencies will exclude the derived edge,
;; since no expletive "it" is in the chart for a sentence such as
;; *that she would win was expected by everyone*
;;
basic_lex_rule_supermost := word_or_lexrule &
[ ND-AFF bool,
DTR sign & [ IDIOM #idiom,
DIALECT #dialect,
ALTS #alts,
SYNSEM [ LOCAL local &
[ CONT [ RELS [ LIST #rfirst,
LAST #rmiddle ],
HCONS [ LIST #hcfirst,
LAST #hcmiddle ],
ICONS [ LIST #icfirst,
LAST #icmiddle ] ] ],
NONLOC [ REL.LIST #rel,
QUE.LIST #que ],
LKEYS [ --+COMPKEY #ckey,
--+OCOMPKEY #ockey ] ] ],
IDIOM #idiom,
DIALECT #dialect,
ALTS #alts,
SYNSEM canonical_lex_or_phrase_synsem &
[ LOCAL local &
[ CONT [ RELS [ LIST #rfirst,
LAST #rlast ],
HCONS [ LIST #hcfirst,
LAST #hclast ],
ICONS [ LIST #icfirst,
LAST #iclast ] ] ],
NONLOC [ REL.LIST #rel,
QUE.LIST #que ],
LKEYS [ --+COMPKEY #ckey,
--+OCOMPKEY #ockey ] ],
ORTH [ TO #to,
FORM #form ],
ARGS.FIRST.ORTH [ TO #to,
FORM #form ],
C-CONT [ RELS [ LIST #rmiddle,
LAST #rlast ],
HCONS [ LIST #hcmiddle,
LAST #hclast ],
ICONS [ LIST #icmiddle,
LAST #iclast ] ] ].
lex_rule_supermost := basic_lex_rule_supermost &
[ SYNSEM abstr_lex_synsem,
TOKENS #tokens,
ORTH.CLASS #class,
ARGS.FIRST [ ORTH.CLASS #class,
TOKENS #tokens ] ].
; DPF 14-Aug-99 - Reorder appending of RELS from above since treatment of
; fragments looks for the first scope hole from left to right in RELS, and
; the first definition below gives different results for "October first" and
; "the first of October".
; DPF 22-May-00 - But lexical rules in general may want to change categories,
; and the output's properties should conform to the type; for example, the
; rule for partitives wants to have the output be a noun, so the first element
; on RELS should be a nom_rel, not the quant_rel which the DTR would supply.
; So we go back to the original appending model, and leave the proper
; treatment of scope holes in fragments for later solutions.
basic_lex_rule_basic := lex_rule_supermost & word_or_nonpunct_rule &
[ DTR [ SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CONJ cnil,
PUNCT #punct & [ LPUNCT no_punct,
RPUNCT no_punct ] ],
GENRE #genre ],
SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CONJ cnil,
PUNCT #punct,
PHON.ONSET #onset ],
GENRE #genre,
ARGS.FIRST.SYNSEM.PHON.ONSET #onset ].
lex_rule_basic := basic_lex_rule_basic &
[ DERIVED + ].
;; DPF 2014-08-19 - Make dtr be word_or_nonpunct_rule to prevent inflectional
;; rules from applying spuriously after the italics rules (or other punctuation
;; rules) have applied.
;;
basic_lex_rule_infl_affixed := basic_lex_rule_basic & word_or_infl_rule &
[ KEY-ARG #keyarg,
SYNSEM #synsem,
ARGS < #dtr >,
DTR #dtr & word_or_nonpunct_rule &
[ INFLECTD -,
KEY-ARG #keyarg,
SYNSEM #synsem ],
C-CONT.RELS <! !> ].
lex_rule_infl_affixed := basic_lex_rule_infl_affixed &
[ INFLECTD + ].
norm_lex_rule := lex_rule_basic &
[ DTR word_or_lexrule & #stem &
[ SYNSEM [ LOCAL [ CAT [ MC #mc,
HC-LEX #hclex ] ],
LKEYS.--+ARGIND #argind ],
KEY-ARG #keyarg ],
SYNSEM [ LOCAL [ CAT [ MC #mc,
HC-LEX #hclex ] ],
LKEYS.--+ARGIND #argind ],
KEY-ARG #keyarg,
ARGS < #stem >,
INFLECTD + ].
lex_rule := norm_lex_rule &
[ DTR.INFLECTD + ].
;;
;; Forms derived from inflected verbs
;;
; ERB (05-10-97) Before we had a special rule hcomp_yn_root for matrix polar
; questions. Now, the unique head complement rule is taking over this job.
; To do this, we must put the int_m_rel onto the inverted auxiliaries (see also
; sai_synsem). The original objection to this was that the inverted
; auxiliaries are used for things other than matrix questions (i.e., negative
; inversion). However, a) we don't currently have an analysis of negative
; inversion, and b) it's not clear that they are the same auxiliaries. The
; most obvious test -- 1st person aren't -- is not available since the
; contracted auxiliaries are in general disallowed in negative inverstion
; (polarity effect?).
;
; At the moment this is allowing "Will who sleep?" and "Will Kim see who?"
; (actually two parses of the latter). This is fine, except that this is not
; producing the apropriate semantics. In fact, all ynq (matrix and
; subordinate) are not currently specified for PARAMS. I think this will be
; easier to fix once we have a) lexical threading and b) an implementation of
; the analysis of echo questions, so I am leaving it for later.
; DPF (10-Jan-99) Added SUBJ value identified with dtr's SPR value (usually
; < anti_synsem > which never unifies with real synsem), in order to allow
; adjunct extraction to still apply to inverted sentences such as "When is
; Kim happy" where "is Kim happy" is built by two applications of the head_comp
; rule. By identifying SUBJ with dtr's SPR, we can maintain lexical control
; over modifiability, in particular blocking spurious modification of
; auxiliary "do", both in noninverted and inverted clauses.
; DPF 22-Apr-00 - Added reentrancy for VFORM on DTR and mother - don't know
; why this was omitted before. It's needed to block spurious parse for e.g.
; "Could you sleep please"
; DPF 5-Jul-02 - Removed re-entrancy of SYNSEM..SUBJ..INDEX with dtr's, since
; it was wrecking coordination of "did Kim win or did Sandy win, since the
; SUBJ..INDEX got identified for both. So what do we give up?
; ERB (2003-10-13) Making a supertype to keep mal_sai as close to sai as
; possible.
basic_sai := lex_rule_basic &
[ ORTH #orth,
DTR
[ ORTH #orth,
SYNSEM
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ VFORM fin & #vform,
MINORS #minors ],
VAL [ SUBJ < #subj & canonical_synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT nomp_cat_nom ] ] >,
COMPS #comps,
SPR #spr,
SPCMPS #spcmps,
KCMP #keycomp ] ],
AGR #agr,
ARG-S #arg-s ],
MODIFD #modif,
LKEYS [ KEYREL [ CFROM #cfrom, CTO #cto ],
--+ARGIND #argind ],
NONLOC [ SLASH.LIST #slash ] ] ],
SYNSEM [ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD [ VFORM #vform,
MINORS #minors ],
VAL [ COMPS < #subj & [ OPT -,
LOCAL.CAT.--SLPASS + ]
. #comps >,
SPR #spr,
SPCMPS #spcmps,
SUBJ < anti_synsem >,
KCMP #keycomp ] ],
AGR #agr,
ARG-S #arg-s ],
MODIFD #modif,
LKEYS [ KEYREL [ CFROM #cfrom, CTO #cto ],
--+ARGIND #argind ],
NONLOC [ SLASH.LIST #slash ] ],
C-CONT.ICONS <! !> ].
; DPF 28-mar-05 - Now propagate AUX from daughter, since we need cop-id to
; be unmarked for AUX, so it can be modified by PPs, as in "where is Kim the
; king?"
; DPF 20-oct-09 - In fact, we won't propagate AUX so we can also get e.g.
; "how old will Kim be on Tuesday", where we're still trying to avoid spurious
; ambiguity by not attaching PPs to AUX + phrases, but we need to in this
; inverted sentence construction because there is no "lower" VP to attach the
; modifier to.
;; DPF 2016-08-02 - We want to have inverted auxiliaries be marked as
;; non-elliptical unless they have undergone the ellipsis rule, in order to
;; block *So did Kim arise.* Hence split this rule into two, one for
;; non-ellipsis and one for ellipsis, and stamp ALTMIN non_ellipt_rel on
;; the dtr of the first.
;; DPF 2022-05-24 - Re 20-oct-09: Now that we allow PP attachment to gapped
;; or elided aux-VPs, return to propagating AUX from dtr, to avoid spurious
;; analysis of "has it shipped yet" using hd-cmp_2_c to pick up "shipped" before
;; "yet".
;; DPF 2022-12-10 - Re 2016-08-02: But auxiliaries identify their ALTMIN with
;; that of their complement, so this change prevents e.g. "could it be?". So
;; instead have the non-elliptical variant require non-empty COMPS.
;;
sai := basic_sai & norm_lex_rule &
[ SYNSEM basic_sai_synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD [ MOD < anti_synsem &
[ --MIN no_rel,
LOCAL intersective_mod &
[ CAT.VAL.SPR *cons* ] ] >,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
AUX #aux,
TAM #tam ],
MC na,
POSTHD + ],
CONT.HOOK #hook ] ],
DTR [ SYNSEM.LOCAL [ CAT.HEAD [ INV +,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
AUX #aux,
TAM #tam ],
CONT.HOOK #hook ],
ALTS.SAI + ],
C-CONT [ RELS <! !>,
HCONS <! !> ] ].
#|
sai_nonell_lexrule := sai &
[ SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.HEAD.MINORS.ALTMIN non_ellipt_rel ].
|#
sai_nonell_lexrule := sai &
[ DTR.SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS *cons* ].
sai_ell_lexrule := sai &
[ SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.HEAD.MINORS.ALTMIN ellipsis_rel,
DTR.SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS < > ].
;; DPF 2012-09-10 - Changed MOD..NONLOC non-local_none to REL,QUE.LIST < >,
;; to allow non-empty SLASH, as in *on the other hand, had they stayed, Kim
;; would have cried*
cond_sai := basic_sai &
[ SYNSEM basic_sai_synsem &
[ LOCAL.CAT
[ HEAD [ MOD < synsem &
[ LOCAL scopal_mod &
[ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ MOD < anti_synsem_min > ],
VAL [ SUBJ *anti_list*,
COMPS < > ],
MC #mc ],
CONT.HOOK [ LTOP #modltop,
INDEX #modind ],
CONJ cnil ],
NONLOC [ REL.LIST < >,
QUE.LIST < > ] ] >,
AUX +,
TAM subjnct_tam,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
MINORS #minors ],
MC #mc,
HC-LEX #hclex ],
NONLOC non-local_none ],
DTR word_or_lexrule & #stem &
[ SYNSEM [ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD [ INV +,
TAM.MOOD basic_subjunctive,
MINORS #minors,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd ],
VAL.COMPS *substlist*,
HC-LEX #hclex ],
CONT.HOOK.LTOP #dltop ],
LKEYS.KEYREL [ CFROM #from, CTO #to ] ],
KEY-ARG #keyarg,
ALTS.CSAI + ],
KEY-ARG #keyarg,
ARGS < #stem >,
INFLECTD +,
C-CONT [ HOOK [ LTOP #lbl,
INDEX #modind ],
RELS <! subord_relation &
[ LBL #lbl,
PRED "_if_x_then_rel",
ARG0 [ E [ TENSE no_tense,
ASPECT no_aspect ] ],
ARG1 #main,
ARG2 #subord,
CFROM #from, CTO #to ] !>,
HCONS <! qeq & [ HARG #main,
LARG #modltop ],
qeq & [ HARG #subord,
LARG #dltop ] !> ] ].
;; DPF 2020-07-17 - This derived entry needs to also "liberate" the
;; --ADDIN.ADDPN properties of the clause it modifies, to avoid
;; "The dog bark, didn't it?". But note that it can't expose the ADDTAM, since
;; we want "The dog is barking, isn't it" where the derived-ellipsis "isn't"
;; in the tag has TAM..PROGR -.
;;
tag := lex_rule_basic &
[ ORTH #orth,
INFLECTD +,
DTR #stem &
[ ORTH #orth,
SYNSEM sai_synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ TAM #tam,
MINORS [ MIN #min,
ALTMIN ellipsis_rel ] ],
VAL.COMPS < [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.INDEX.PNG #png ]>,
HC-LEX #hclex ],
CONT.HOOK [ LTOP #tltop,
INDEX #index,
XARG #xarg ],
AGR #agr ],
NONLOC non-local_none,
LKEYS [ KEYREL [ CFROM #from, CTO #to ],
--+ARGIND #argind ] ] ],
SYNSEM tag_synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD [ TAM #tam,
MINORS.MIN #min,
MOD < [ LOCAL [ CAT.HEAD.--ADDIN.ADDPN #pn,
AGR.PNG.PN #pn,
CONT.HOOK [ LTOP #mltop,
XARG #subjind ] ] ] > ],
VAL.COMPS.FIRST synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT nomp_cat_nom_min,
CONT.HOOK.INDEX #xarg &
[ PNG #png ],
CONJ cnil ],
OPT - ],
HC-LEX #hclex ],
CONT.HOOK.INDEX #index,
AGR #agr ],
NONLOC non-local_none,
LKEYS [ KEYREl [ CFROM #from,
CTO #to ],
--+ARGIND #argind,
ALTKEYREL [ CFROM #from,
CTO #to ] ] ],
C-CONT [ HOOK.LTOP #ltop,
RELS <! [ LBL #ltop,
PRED ne_x_rel,
ARG0 event,
ARG1 #mltop,
ARG2 #tltop,
CFROM #from, CTO #to ],
[ LBL #ltop,
PRED id_rel,
ARG0.E.TENSE no_tense,
ARG1 #subjind,
ARG2 #xarg,
CFROM #from, CTO #to ] !>,
HCONS <! !>,
ICONS <! !> ],
ARGS < #stem > ].
; DPF 31-Jul-99 - Removed [INV -] from DTR, since it blocked entry for
; "Is that also important?"
; DPF 1-Jun-01 - Removed DTR..SUBJ canonical_synsem, since prevents relative
; clauses headed by these, as in "messages that are not valid fail".
; DPF 3-Jun-01 - Made DTR..VFORM fin rather than fin* to avoid V+ADV analysis
; of "be not happy"
; DPF 13-Sep-01 - Copy attributes of HEAD from dtr to mother, to make sure that
; dtr is [AUX +] but mother is [AUX +*] so it will still coordinate with nonaux
; ERB 2003-10-13 Make supertype to keep mal_adv_addition as close as possible.
; DPF 19-apr-05 - Block adv_addition rule from applying to negated auxiliaries,
; since these (uniquely) have ALT2KEYREL.PRED neg_rel, while the positive ones
; are unconstrained.
; DPF 25-nov-05 - Removed AUX + from mother, since it was preventing adjunct-
; extraction for e.g. "In Berlin, Browne is also Abrams"
; DPF 08-oct-06 - Note that this rule does not correctly get the scope right
; for "must not" which idiosyncratically gives the modal scope over the
; the neg_rel. Can't simply split rule, since would have to overwrite the
; qeq in the lexical entry for "must" to insert neg_rel in scope chain. So
; probably need to manually add separate "must not" lexical entry and block
; application of this rule to "must". Then what about non-neg adverbs with
; "must"? FIX someday.
;; DPF 2012-12-21 - Removed dtr's ALT2KEYREL.PRED never_unify_rel,
;; since this blocked e.g. *Kim isn't always Abrams*
;; DPF 2020-05-23 - One might think to block output of this rule as input to
;; subj-aux inversion, but in fact that order is needed for *when is a rose not
;; a rose?*
;; DPF 2022-05-25 - Block extraction of normal complement in output, to avoid
;; spurious analysis of "we wonder how happy you [are today]"
;;
basic_adv_addition := lex_rule &
[ ORTH #orth,
DTR [ ORTH #orth,
ALTS.ADVADD +,
SYNSEM auxverb_or_itcleft_synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ VFORM #vform & fin,
TAM #tam,
AUX #aux,
INV #inv,
MOD #mod,
PRD #prd,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
MINORS #minors ],
VAL [ SUBJ #subj & < synsem >,
COMPS #comps & *substlist*,
SPR #spr ],
POSTHD #ph ],
CONT [ HOOK #hook &
[ INDEX #vindex,
XARG #xarg ] ],
CTXT #ctxt ],
NONLOC [ SLASH.LIST #slash ] ] ],
SYNSEM basic_aux_verb &
[ LOCAL
[ CAT
[ HEAD verb & [ VFORM #vform,
TAM #tam,
AUX #aux,
INV #inv,
MOD #mod,
PRD #prd,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
MINORS #minors & [ ALTMIN #altmin ] ],
VAL [ SUBJ #subj,
COMPS *cons* &
< [ LOCAL local &
[ CAT [ HEAD basic_lexadv &
[ MOD < [ LOCAL [ CONT.HOOK #hook,
CAT [ HEAD.MINORS.ALTMIN
#altmin,
VAL.SUBJ #subj]]]>,
TAM #tam ],
VAL.COMPS < >,
--SLPASS + ],
CONT [ HOOK.LTOP #advltop ] ],
LEX +,
OPT - ] . #comps >,
SPR #spr ],
POSTHD #ph ],
CONT [ HOOK [ LTOP #advltop,
INDEX #vindex,
XARG #xarg ] ],
CTXT #ctxt ],
NONLOC [ SLASH.LIST #slash ] ],
C-CONT [ RELS <! !>,
HCONS <! !>,
ICONS <! !> ] ].
;; DPF 2013-11-08 - Split this rule into two, one for "not" and one for the
;; rest, since only "not" can be added to an elliptical aux verb, while they
;; can all appear with verbs that have overt complements. Thus *we should not*
;; but not *we should never*, *we should both*, etc.
adv_addition := basic_adv_addition &
[ DTR.SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS *cons* & [ FIRST canonical_synsem ] ].
adv_add_neg_ellipt := basic_adv_addition &
[ DTR.SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS < >,
SYNSEM.LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS.FIRST.LOCAL.CAT.HEAD.MINORS.MIN neg_rel ].
;; VP Ellipsis
;; We can't let this rule apply to the infinitival "to", since we would then
;; have no way of blocking the NP "the book to", where "to" first underwent
;; this rule, then the subject-extraction rule (needed for ordinary infinitival
;; relatives), and then the usual infinitival relative rule. So instead we
;; create a separate lexical entry for the elided form of "to", and make it
;; MOD < >.
;; DPF 24-Jun-01 - Made DTR be TAM.ASPECT nonprg to prevent "Kim is being".
;; DPF 31-May-02 - This may not have been enough, so tried adding VFORM
;; fin_or_bse.
;; DPF 28-Nov-03 - But then we don't get "Kim has been", so removed it; now
;; we should block "kim is being with the ASPECT.PROGR - constraint.
;; DPF 11-mar-05 - Removed AUX + since now restricting PPs to modify only
;; [AUX -] VPs.
;; DPF 2011-08-23 - For now, exclude elided verbs in inverted conditionals,
;; even though they can be okay at least in S-initial position, in context:
;; [We hadn't left the door open.] *Had we, the flies would have entered.*
;; But it's hard to find good examples in S-final position:
;; ... *? The files would have left, had we.*
;; And there is spurious ambiguity for e.g. *Who did we know were programmers?*
;; DPF 2016-12-02 - Try changing dtr's COMPS.FIRST from canonical_or_unexpressed
;; to just unexpressed, so that we can prevent robust auxiliaries such as
;; has_aux_finc_rbst from also undergoing ellipsis.
;; DPF 2022-08-09- For some reason, identifying SLASH.LIST of mother's SUBJ and
;; the sign's SLASH.LIST results in SLASH.LIST < > for "will be", blocking
;; "who will be?".
;;
vp_ellipsis := lex_rule &
[ ORTH #orth,
ALTS.CSAI -,
DTR [ ORTH #orth,
ALTS.VPELLIP +,
SYNSEM basic_aux_verb &
[ LOCAL
[ CAT
[ HEAD verb &
[ MOD #mod,
PRD #prd,
INV #inv,
AUX +,
TAM #tam & [ ASPECT.PROGR - ],
VFORM #vform,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
MINORS.MIN #min ],
POSTHD #ph,
VAL [ SUBJ #subj & [ FIRST.LOCAL.CAT nomp_cat_min ],
SPR #spr,
COMPS < unexpressed &
[ LOCAL [ CAT.HEAD subst,
CONT.HOOK
[ LTOP #chand,
INDEX #cind ] ],
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST < > ], ... > ] ],
CONT.HOOK [ LTOP #hand,
INDEX #ind ],
CTXT #ctxt ],
NONLOC.SLASH #slash,
LKEYS [ KEYREL.PRED #keyrelpred,
ALT2KEYREL #alt2keyrel ] ] ],
SYNSEM basic_aux_verb &
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ MOD #mod,
PRD #prd,
INV #inv,
TAM #tam,
VFORM #vform,
CNTRCTD #cntrctd,
MINORS [ MIN #min,
ALTMIN ellipsis_rel ] ],
POSTHD #ph,
VAL [ SUBJ #subj,
SPR #spr,
COMPS < > ] ],
CONT [ HOOK [ LTOP #hand,
INDEX #ind ] ],
CTXT #ctxt ],
LKEYS [ KEYREL.PRED #keyrelpred,
ALTKEYREL #altkeyrel & arg1_relation &
[ LBL #chand,
PRED ellipsis_rel,
ARG0 #cind & non_conj_sement ],
ALT2KEYREL #alt2keyrel ],
NONLOC [ SLASH #slash ] ],
C-CONT [ RELS <! #altkeyrel !>,
HCONS <! !>,
ICONS <! !> ] ].
vp_ellipsis_ref := vp_ellipsis &
[ DTR.SYNSEM.LOCAL [ CAT.VAL.COMPS < [ --SIND #cind ] >,
CONT.HOOK.XARG non_expl-ind & #sind ],
SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.XARG #sind,
LKEYS.ALTKEYREL [ PRED ellipsis_ref_rel,
ARG0 #cind,
ARG1 #sind ] ] ].
; DPF 25-jul-05 - Block there-copula from undergoing ellipsis, since the
; (raising) predicative copula can also take a there-subject when elided.
; DPF 20-feb-10 - But blocking the there-copula meant that we had to have
; a bogus over-unification type `be_v_prd-or-there_rel' for tag questions
; like `There is a cat, isn't there', and eventually disadvantages of this
; unmotivated type emerged. So go back to allowing this rule to apply to
; there-copula as well.
;; DPF 2012-06-12 - The INDEX value was wrongly reentrant with the ARG0 of
;; the ALTKEYREL: this worked for the expletive-it ordinary copula `be'
;; which has no RELS, but not for the there-copula which adds its own
;; _be_v_there_rel. Fix this by unifying the ellipsis-rel's ARG0 with
;; the index of the first complement on the dtr.
;; DPF 2021-06-09 - Restrict this rule to the there-copula, to avoid spurious
;; analysis of "there is." with regular copula.
;; DPF 2022-04-29 - Re 2021-06-09: But this blocks tag questions with expl-it,
;; as in "it is raining, isn't it" where we need the regular copula for "isn't".
;
vp_ellipsis_expl := vp_ellipsis &
[ DTR.SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CAT [ HEAD.MINORS.MIN be_v_there-or-prd_rel,
VAL [ SUBJ < [ --SIND expl-ind & #sind ] >,
COMPS.FIRST synsem &
[ --SIND #cindex ] ] ],
LKEYS [ KEYREL.LBL #lbl,
--+ARGIND #subjind ] ],
SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.XARG #sind,
NONLOC [ QUE.LIST < >,
SLASH.LIST < > ],
LKEYS [ ALTKEYREL [ LBL #lbl,
PRED ellipsis_expl_rel,
ARG0 #cindex ],
--+ARGIND #subjind ] ] ].
;; For contracted (positive) auxiliaries that are not inverted, and hence
;; require their complement to be canonical, to avoid *Kim 'll*
;; DPF 2022-05-16 - But extraction of the complement is possible if the
;; auxiliary has picked up an adverb complement via the v_aux-advadd_dlr, as in
;; "A genius, he's not", analogous to correctly working "A genius, he isn't".
;; Address by adding spelling variant lexical entry "'s not" for "isn't" etc,
;; but maybe something more interesting going on, or maybe not. Consider
;; "*A genius, he's also"
;;
contracted_aux_noninv_lexrule := norm_lex_rule &
[ DTR #dtr &
[ ORTH #orth,
INFLECTD na,
SYNSEM #synsem & [ LOCAL.CAT.HEAD verb ] ],
ORTH #orth,
INFLECTD +,
ALTS.SAI -,
SYNSEM #synsem &
[ LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS.FIRST canonical_synsem ],
C-CONT [ RELS <! !>,
HCONS <! !>,
ICONS <! !> ],
ARGS < #dtr > ].
;; Need to work on generalizing the semantics - since we derive this entry
;; from the past participle, we have to discard the tense information from
;; the input - not clear yet how to do this in general. For now we assume
;; that transitive verbs introduce a single relation, bound to the KEYREL
;; attrib.
; This incorrectly orders the by_pp before all remaining comps - wrong for
; double-NP verbs, and incomplete for verbs with other oblique arguments,
; since this allows only one order. But this latter is a general problem.
; DPF 3-Nov-01 - Removed [CONT..E-INDEX.E.ASPECT perf*] since this allows wrong
; generation. Why was it here?
; DPF 28-jun-07 - Made ALTMIN event_dim_rel, to prevent application of
; the vp_sbrd-prd-ell_c rule to passive VPs.
; DPF 19-jun-09 - Added parent type word_or_infl_rule so drop_ital rules
; will also apply to passive verb forms.
;; DPF 22-06-16 - Note that identifying the #nonloc of dtr and mother leads
;; to trouble for right-node-raising when coordinating an active VP and a
;; passive one, as in "applying to or characterized by". Lexical threading
;; for active verbs correctly appends the SLASH of the SUBJ to the end of that
;; of the COMPS, but these ARG-ST elements get reordered in this rule,
;; resulting in the derived SUBJ's SLASH being at the front of the dlist.
;; The SUBJ.SLASH of the active points to the empty list which is also the
;; LAST value, but for the passive, SUBJ..SLASH will be an odd diff list with
;; LIST and LAST identified (since the SUBJ is not extracted), but that LIST
;; will be the non-empty list from extracting the complement.
;; DPF 2022-08-11 - With adoption of computation types, pushed identity of
;; NONLOC on mother and dtr down to subtypes, since at least one subtype
;; (np_prep_passive_verb_lexrule) changes the arity of the COMPS list, so the
;; identity would create a circular list structure.
;;
basic_passive_verb_lexrule := lex_rule_basic & word_or_infl_rule &
[ INFLECTD +,
DTR #dtr &
[ ALTS.PASSIVE +,
INFLECTD -,
SYNSEM verb_synsem &
[ LOCAL [ CAT [ HEAD verb &
[ VFORM pas,
TAM [ TENSE #tense,
MOOD #mood ],
MINORS.MIN #min ],
VAL [ SPCMPS #spcmps ],
MC #mc ],
CONT.HOOK [ LTOP #hand,
INDEX #index ],
CONJ cnil,
CTXT #ctxt ],
LKEYS [ KEYREL #keyrel,
--COMPKEY #cmin,
--+COMPKEY #pluscmin,
--OCOMPKEY #ocmin,
--+OCOMPKEY #plusocmin ] ] ],
SYNSEM basic_passive_synsem &
[ LOCAL verb_participle_affix &
[ CAT [ HEAD verb & [ TAM [ TENSE #tense,
MOOD #mood ],
PRD +,
MINORS.MIN #min ],
VAL [ SPCMPS #spcmps ],
MC #mc ],
CONT.HOOK [ LTOP #hand,
INDEX #index,
XARG #xarg ],
CTXT #ctxt ],
LKEYS [ KEYREL #keyrel,
--COMPKEY #cmin,
--+COMPKEY #pluscmin,
--OCOMPKEY #ocmin,
--+OCOMPKEY #plusocmin ] ],
C-CONT [ RELS <! !>,
HCONS <! !>,
ICONS <! topic & [ IARG1 #index,
IARG2 #xarg ] !> ],
ARGS < #dtr > ].
;; DPF 13-05-09 - The reentrancy of DTR..SUBJ..NONLOC and COMPS.FIRST..NONLOC
;; (that is, identifying the dtr's NP NONLOC with the mother's PP-by NONLOC)
;; is a bad idea, since there are more general constraints on SLASH that
;; conflict, meaning that we were not parsing e.g. *happily, Kim is being
;; admired*.
;; DPF 2020-03-24 - Added COMPS..--MIN and ..OPT as per trunk
;; DPF 2022-08-06 - Removed identification of NONLOC on DTR..SUBJ and
;; mother's COMPS.FIRST, since it prevents "as many cats as were hired"
norm_passive_verb_lexrule := basic_passive_verb_lexrule &
[ DTR.SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CAT.VAL [ SUBJ < [ --SIND #subjind,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #snonloc ] >,
COMPS.FIRST [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.XARG #compxarg,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #ononloc ] ],
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #nonloc ],
SYNSEM passive_synsem &
[ LOCAL.CAT.VAL [ SUBJ < [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.XARG #compxarg,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #snonloc ] >,
COMPS.FIRST [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.INDEX #subjind,
--MIN _by_p_cm_rel,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #ononloc,
OPT + ] ],
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #nonloc ] ].
;; DPF 15-06-06 - Restrict result's COMPS.REST to *nolexlist* in order to block
;; spurious analysis of *was looked by Kim up*.
;; DPF 2015-09-10 - Re 15-06-06: But this blocks *was considered creative*. We
;; also can't usse *indeplist* instead (it would block *known as ...*. So
;; define new list type *satlist* which requires COMPS to be saturated, thus
;; excluding just particles.
;;
v_pas-norm_lexrule := norm_passive_verb_lexrule &
[ SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS.REST *satlist*,
LKEYS.--+ARGIND #argind ],
DTR.SYNSEM.LKEYS.--+ARGIND #argind ].
;; DPF 2020-05-23 - This is at least one lexical rule that does not pass up
;; its LKEYS.--+ARGIND from its dtr, since the derived form has an expl-it subj.
;;
v_pas-cp_lexrule := basic_passive_verb_lexrule &
[ DTR.SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CAT.VAL [ SUBJ < [ --SIND #subjind,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #snonloc ] > ],
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #slash ],
SYNSEM [ LOCAL.CAT.VAL.COMPS < [ LOCAL.CONT.HOOK.INDEX #subjind,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #snonloc ], ... >,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #slash ] ].
v_pas-dat_lexrule := basic_passive_verb_lexrule &
[ SYNSEM [ LKEYS.--+ARGIND #argind,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #nonloc ],
DTR.SYNSEM [ LKEYS.--+ARGIND #argind,
NONLOC.SLASH.LIST #nonloc ] ].
; 'was referred to as ...'
;;
;; DPF 2017-03-01 - Removed selected_rel constraint on first comp's --MIN,
;; since this blocked *Kim was lied to* and *Kim was spoken to* where these